Report on collective memory practices concerning the right-wing
Report on the extreme right’s public appearances within collective memory
Introduction
Theoretical framework
Politics cannot be understood without the existence of a symbolic system. Symbols are the basic unit for its transmission as well as its recreation. As the complexity of societies increases, so does politics. Thus, symbols have become indispensable to understand reality since their tools allow us to unify and simplify perceptions, ideas or ways of seeing reality (Michael Walzer, 1967; Tobias Theiler, 2017). In addition, symbols also act as unifying elements, especially in politics, where they can potentially become multi-dimensional and ambiguous, which makes them very effective tools to unite under the same flag broad sectors of society with potential differences between them (Tobias Theiler, 2017).
From this arises the need to analyse the symbolic practices of the extreme right in terms of collective memory, since it constitutes one of the main elements for the dissemination of ideas. In other words, this report will address how the extreme right presents, through appearances in the public space, mainly, making use of a network of symbolisms, its narrative of memory. A collective memory that, as we stated before, is not yet properly defined and still is today a space of struggle between political forces.
The Civil War and the subsequent Francoist regime are probably the main factors that shape the collective memory and identity of the Spanish people. This being events buried for a long time under a socially accepted taboo, they still remain object of debate and ideological struggle. Memory is often ignored in political studies because of its ambiguity and difficulty to transform into a quantifiable variable. However, it plays a fundamental role in the formation of the collective identity of a community, a fact that has very relevant implications in the normative configuration of the state, in part conditioning the interests, action and development of state policy (Zheng Wang, 2018).
The scenarios addressed will be all those manifestations led by far-right entities, organizations or groups in the public space. In other words, a compilation will be made on how the positions of the extreme right are crystallized in the public space in all those issues related to collective memory. In all of these, hate speeches are used through the exhibition and glorification of the 1936 coup d’état, the Civil War or the subsequent regime, as well as the main actors and protagonists who participated in the aforementioned events and the repressive mechanisms of the regime.
The public manifestation of hate speech is crystallized in various ways, which is why in this report we have categorized them into three major groups, based on extensive research on their latest appearances.
Commemorative events on dates with francoist significance
This category groups together all those events where a group of people, convened by entities with clear links to the extreme right, meet with the aim of commemorating Franco’s regime on specific dates. Whether through paying homage to its “martyrs” and “heroes” or vindicating more general aspects (such as the nation or the regime), these sectors meet annually on certain dates that play a key role within the narrative and symbolic framework of the extreme right.
November 20th
The date of excellence for radical right-wing collectives is November 20th, the day on which José Antonio Primo de Rivera6 and the former dictator Francisco Franco Bahamonde died, two characters with great political and symbolic relevance for those nostalgic of the regime. Normally the acts are called by the most extremist sector, made up of numerous organizations, such as the Movimiento Catolico Español (Spanish Catholic Movement, MCE), Falange Española, Democracia Nacional (National Democracy) or the Francisco Franco National Foundation (FNFF). Among them, the most predominant group is Falange, which managed to organize a march of 1,000 Falangists in the evening of 20-N of 2021 in Gran Via, Madrid7. Marching at the sound of Cara al Sol (face to sun)8 through the central streets of the capital with red flares, unconstitutional standards and fascist proclamations and salutes, the act ended in front of the Arco de la Victoria (triumphal arch in Madrid constructed to celebrate Franco’s victory in the Civil War). Here a retinue went to the Valle de los Caídos where Primo de Rivera was previously buried to deliver respects.
However, in recent years, except for this last occasion, the rest of the rallies were often dispersed and did not manage to gather more than a few hundred people9. In this type of event, which is held almost exclusively in Madrid, there is a systematic use of Francoist and nazi-fascist symbology and chants.
October 12th
The nation is one of the fundamental ideological pillars of the extreme right, conceiving it as the most elementary unit of society, the object of common identification of all the members of a community. This organisation is an indivisible and permanent organism. Although perceptions of the nation vary slightly according to the ideological tradition within the extreme right10, they all have in common the idea of an indissoluble entity and the primary and only source of the sovereignty of the Spanish people. This perception of nation by the far-right makes it a hostile political force towards any part of society that questions the ethnic and cultural homogeneity of the nation as well as its integrity.
In Spain, October 12th is a national holiday, declared for the first time in 1892. Here it is celebrated the day when Christopher Columbus arrived for the first time in the Caribbean in 1492, being the starting point of the Castilian imperial expansion, which will culminate with the conquest of an empire that stretched from Tierra del Fuego to California. The holiday theoretically does not celebrate the imperial expansion per se but the supposed brotherhood between all Spanish-speaking peoples and their cultural bond. In any case, this date is often celebrated in Spain as a vindication of “Spanishness”, reaffirming the patriotic commitment of the conveners. It is for this reason that many of the calls are given in Barcelona, the Catalan capital. Especially from the extreme right, these calls usually come from the most unionist sectors of the Catalan territory, in opposition to Catalan nationalism.
Even so, not all the calls in Barcelona are organised by extremist groups. In fact, for years there have been two separate calls; one organised by the parties backers of the unity of Spain, which include PP, Citizens party (Ciudadanos, C’s) and recently Vox. Even the Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSC) had been officially present in some occasions11, although in recent years it has dissociated itself from the calls in view of the extremist drift they have acquired. Although the number of participants tends to vary according to the political context, these are the most multitudinous mobilisations12.
However, a second encounter is organised by the most radical extreme right groups. In general, in the last decade the main groups have been Falange and Democracia Nacional, and to a lesser extent, the Movimiento Católico Espa.ol (MCE)13. The size of these is never more than a few hundred people (usually between 200 and 400).
Normally organized in Plaça Espanya, the event is escorted by heavy police presence to avoid clashes with anti-fascist groups who usually organise counter-protest14. During the call, the groups usually sing chants against Catalan nationalist parties and leaders, encouraging their outlawing and calling death threats. The canticles against separatism and overall Catalan nationalism are often mixed with praises of Francoist figures such as Primo de Rivera, Cara al Sol song and sometimes with pro-Hitler proclamations (usually sung by Sieg Hail). The decoration is characterized by the strong presence of pre-constitutional and falangist flags as well as other fascist symbols (mainly Celtic crosses and the black sun15). Typically, the act tends to end with the burning of Catalan flags and banners in Plaça Sant Jaume in Montjuïc. The line between far- right and conventional calls has always been somewhat vague. On one hand, Vox’s sum in the “Conventional” right call has de facto made it an act with extreme right presence. On the other hand, although it is not the place of this report to deal with it, other civil societies organising entities (mainly Catalan Civil Society and Somatemps) have also had links with extremist sectors16.
Thus, October 12 is a particularly intense date in the Catalan capital, with a lot of political activity of all political signs. In the acts of the extreme right, although with little relevance in quantitative terms, it is significant how easily they make systematic and open apology to fascism, without facing any notable sanction by the authorities. On the other hand, in the conventional convocations there has been a drift (mainly since the entry of Vox) towards the right ever deeper.
July 18th
It is the less multitudinous date of all due to its explicitly. Here the far-right vindicates the coup d’état perpetrated by the military high command in 1936 against the democratically elected republican coalition government a few months earlier. The military uprising only triumphed in certain parts of the Spanish territory as a result of the unexpected resistance by the loyal forces to the Republic (mainly leftist and trade union militias and some regular police armed forces), which provoked a brutal civil war that lasted three years and ended in the absolute defeat of the republican forces17. Every year, several acts organized by various extreme right-wing organisations are called with the aim of commemorating the uprising, glorifying its protagonists as well as all those who participated both in the uprising and in the subsequent civil war alongside the military rebels.
The acts are usually carried out decentralised throughout the territory and without a joint act between organisations. The FNFF18, the MCE or the Spanish Traditionalist Communion (CTE)19 stand out as some of the outstanding entities that have recently called for acts during these dates. Even so, the convocations in general are few in number, not present every year and gathering only a few tens of people.
Finally, it is important to mention that the extremist sectors also celebrate other memory-related dates, but due to the brevity of the report only some of them have been pointed out. One scenario where openly extremist public displays can be seen annually is on October 9, during the Diada del País Valencià (national day of the autonomous community of Valencia), when the Valencian nationalist forces usually receive attacks and boycott attempts by extremist Spanish sectors, with anti-Catalan and Nazi-fascist shouts and displaying Falangist and Francoist symbology20.
Acts of exaltation to Francoist figures
Although acts of glorification of regime figures have always been present throughout the last democratic period in Spain, they have recently increased, being very visible and revealing the extent to which there are still relatively large sectors of society that sympathise with the dictatorial past.
On July 17, 2018, the President of the Spanish government, Pedro Sanchez, made public before the Congress that: “we are going to proceed with the exhumation of the remains of the dictator Franco from the Valle de los Caidos21“. As explained in the first report, the Valley of the Fallen is the monument par excellence to Franco’s victory in the Civil War, where Primo de Rivera and Francisco Franco were buried. The news did not surprise anyone, since it was a measure that the Socialists had already promised to carry out in case of reaching the government, supported by their new leftist government partners (Podemos) as well as by the Basque, Galician and Catalan nationalist parties. The exhumation of the dictator was finally carried out on October 21st, 2019, but not without great resistance from certain sectors of the population, including the family, which went through the courts in an unsuccessful attempt to stop the measure. What the family did achieve was to delay of the burial of Franco’s remains for more than a year.
During the time of waiting due to the judicial uncertainty and the administrative obstacles, thousands of people went to visit the Valley of the Fallen with the intention of paying homage to the figure of the dictator. On some occasions there were scenes of exalted people chanting Francoist chants, singing Cara al Sol, exhibiting Francoist symbology and making fascist salutes22. These scenes had a certain media repercussion, showing that the Valley of the Fallen was still a space of glorification of the regime and its dictator. In principle, the 2007 Law of Democratic Memory prohibited organized acts of praise to the regime within the enclosure, however it didn’t stop the salutes, the exhibition of pre-constitutional flags or Francoist shouts which have continued to be present23.
As expected, on the day of the exhumation several hundred pro-Franco sympathizers protested against the transfer of the dictator’s remains, shouting Francoist chants and symbology. The tension increased when Antonio Tejero, the Civil Guard who led the assault on the Congress of Deputies in 1981 in an attempted coup that finally failed, appeared. The appearance of some far- right leader at the event, provoked fervour among the crowd that wanted to cross the police cordon24. However, the act ended without any mass incidents.
The exhumation of the dictator was only the starting point for a whole series of measures of the same type towards the rest of the figures of the regime who were still buried in public spaces with full honours. In 2023 the remains of one of the fathers of Spanish fascism and founder of the fascist political party Falange Española, José Antonio Miguel Primo de Rivera, were moved from the Valley of Cuelgamuros (formerly known as the Valle de los Caidos since October 2022) to the cemetery of San Isidro, Madrid. The opposition to the exhumation of the Falangist was not as intense as that of his counterpart Franco, although it was criticized by Vox and PP. At the exit, 200 Falangists struggled with the agents who formed a cordon, in an attempt to break it and gain access to the enclosure to prevent his transfer. The congregated exhibited pre constitutional flags and chanted Cara al Sol25.
In addition to the exhumations and the periodic dates where the extreme right is used to gather, there have been other specific “popular” commemorative events in recent years. Surely one of the events that even aroused international reactions, was the homage that several extremist groups paid to the División Azul (Blue Division) in 2021, a group of mainly Falangist volunteers who fought under Hitler’s orders to the Soviet Union during World War II. After parading through the streets of Madrid while chants were sung and various fascist-themed symbols were displayed, the event concluded at the Almudena cemetery in Madrid, where numerous manifestos and speeches were read. The most controversial moment was the intervention of one of the organizers, who charged against Jews and Marxism, and ended by placing flowers with the shape of a swastika on the monolith of the Falangist volunteers26. The embassies of Israel, Russia and Germany expressed their rejection of the act27.
Other actions
The actions carried out by extreme right-wing collectives do not stop here. Despite the brevity of the report, other relevant events need to be concisely mentioned due to their notable impact on Spanish people day-to-day life.
The extreme right still has numerous cases of aggressions and violent behaviours towards groups or individuals of opposite political sign. Vandalism is one of the most common actions, often attacking the few monuments or plaques commemorating Republican figures, especially in the capital, Madrid28. The other most common target among these groups are the organizations of opposite sign, especially the left ones29 as well as the nationalist ones, being Valencian nationalist forces the most affected30. Many of these actions are carried out anonymously although sometimes they appear signed, mostly by Falange and its youth. The signs and slogans that most frequently appear in the cases collected are Nazi-fascist symbols such as the Celtic cross, the swastika or other far-right iconography, such as the number 88 (referring to the eighth letter of the alphabet, h, a common way for neo-Nazis to refer to heil Hitler). Also frequent are slogans attacking opponents, commonly referring to them pejoratively as “reds” (rojos in Spanish) a common slur to describe leftist and other progressive forces.
In addition to the vandalism attacks, in many cases physical aggressions are added. The aggressions on the part of these groups are very broad but it should be noted that many of them are directed at individuals because of their political, national31, sexual32 or ethnic33 status.
The far-right also has a cultural and academic apparatus that devotes part of its efforts to trying to win the narrative about the past. That is, through literary publications, talks and articles, it justifies or whitewashes the coup d’état and the actions of the subsequent regime. The Francisco Franco National Foundation (FNFF) is a particularly active organisation in this respect, and is probably the entity that organises the most activities of this type, highlighting both cultural activities34 and the promotion of literary productions on the subject35.
Finally, there have recently been worrying expressions within army officials of flirtation with Francoism and extreme right-wing groups. The state security forces have a special historical link with Francoism and the extreme right for obvious reasons. The army was the main institution promoting the coup d’état as well as one of the fundamental pillars of the regime, which is why it is where Francoism historically had the most sympathisers. Spain would not be the first country that is currently having problems with its armed forces due to links with the extreme right. For years, several European countries have experienced problems of infiltration of extremist groups and ideas into their respective security forces36.
Perhaps in the absence of more exhaustive investigations, the links between the Spanish army and the extreme right have been reduced to proclamations and adherence to groups. Two of the events that raised the most concern were, firstly, a letter signed by 73 retired army officers sent to the king, which expressed their concerns with the Spanish political situation37. The officials expressed their rejection of a government that they defined as “social-communist” and that was endangering national unity. Furthermore, the letter followed the attack on the government with a defence to the dictator Francisco Franco, which they claimed had been defamed by the government. Days later, some Whatsapp conversations were leaked in which a group of retired military officers praised Francoism and the coup, some of whom had signed the aforementioned letter a few days earlier. One of the members, retired Air Force General Francisco Beca Casanova, wrote that “26 million sons of bitches38” should be shot, referring to the voters the left won in the last elections.
It was not the first time that members of the Spanish army openly showed their sympathies towards Francoism. A year earlier, a video was leaked in which uniformed and civilian soldiers sang a version of Primavera39, a song created by the División Azul (Blue Division) volunteers and recently covered by the neo-Nazi Spanish group Estirpe Imperial. The place of the events was in the military barracks of Pracuellos de Jarama (Madrid), during a celebration for the day of the Immaculate Conception. While the soldiers were singing the song, some of them were giving fascist salutes.
Conclusions
Memory is a key actor in the construction of national identity, which at the same time has important political implications by conditioning the democratic values of the citizenry. The last Spanish government, composed by PSOE and Podemos, made forceful efforts at building a collective democratic memory through the reparation to the victims, the removal of the vestiges of Francoism and the official public condemnation of the regime. However, they have ultimately proved insufficient to stop the vast majority of anti-democratic actions perpetrated by far-right groups discussed in this report, as they are part of the of the Spanish collective memory tradition, characterised by the amnesia in which the Spanish society has been immersed due to the Law of the Forgetting of 1977 and the subsequent public policies regarding this matter.
Some of their practices, which have been analysed in this report, are related to (1) the commemoration of certain events with Francoist significance, and (2) acts of exaltation of Francoist figures.
The results of the Spanish local, regional and general elections that took place in March and July 2023, where right and far-right parties have won popularity, the persistence and proliferation of anti-democratic practices regarding historical memory are at the centre of the public debate.
Notes
1 Elecciones Andalucía (elpais.com).
2 ELECCIONES GENERALES 2019 10N (elpais.com).
3 The Catalan crisis is a concept that refers to the conflict between the Generalitat de Catalunya (Catalan autonomous government) and the central government, as a result of the self-determination process initiated by the first. Although the territorial and national tensions between Catalonia and Spain were nothing new, by “Catalan crisis” we understand the conflict originating from the so-called “process of independence” initiated in 2012. For more information: Palop Boix, A. (2017). El conflicto catalán y la crisis constiutucional española: una cronología. El coronosta del estado social y democrático de Derecho. Num 71 -71, pp. 172 – 186.
4 The term nationalist is usually used to refer to the separatist and regionalist forces of the peripheral nations, mainly the Catalan, Basque and Galician parties.
5 The Popular Front was a coalition of all leftist political parties in Spain, supported by trade union and civil society organizations, that won the tense elections of 1936 and was overthrown with the victory of the military rebels in the civil war in 1939.
6José Antonio Primo de Rivera was one of the fathers of Spanish fascism, and founder of the fascist party La Falange. In 1936 was shot by republican authorities in Valencia accused of collaborating in the coup d’état perpetrated by the military high command.
7 En el nombre de Primo de Rivera: 1.000 falangistas toman Madrid en el 85 aniversario de su muerte. (elespanol.com)
8 Hymn of the fascist party Falange Española, developed in 1935.
9 Alrededor de 200 personas homenajean a Primo de Rivera por el 20N en el centro de Madrid (eldiario.es).
10 Alvarez Chillida, G. (1992). Nación, tradición e imperio en la extrema derecha española durante la década de 1930. Hispania, 52(182), 999.
11 El 12-O endurece el tono contra los independentistas (elperiodico.com).
12 Totes les manifestacions del 12 d’octubre, minut a minut (beteve.cat). 65.000 manifestantes en el 12-O de Barcelona, según la Guardia Urbana, trece veces más que el año anterior (elmundo.es).
Miles de personas se manifiestan en Barcelona para celebrar el 12-O (elpais.com).
13 Barcelona vive un 12 de Octubre polarizado (lamarea.com).
Quema de ‘estelades’ en la manifestación ultra en Barcelona por el 12 de Octubre (elperiodico.com). Totes les manifestacions del 12 d’octubre, minut a minut (beteve.cat).
Cremen una estelada en la marxa del 12 d’Octubre de la Falange i Democracia Nacional (beteve.cat). 12-O en BCN: Ofrenda a Colón, bendición a la virgen del Pilar y ‘Cara al sol’ (elperiodico.com).
Neonazis en Barcelona celebran su particular 12 de octubre con simbología ultra y franquista (publico.es). El feixisme es torna a treure la careta a Montjuïc per celebrar el 12 d’octubre (elnaional.cat).
14 Els antifeixistes es manifesten contra el 12-O encapsulats pels Mossos (elnacional.cat). Centenares de antifascistas se manifiestan contra el día de la Hispanidad (metrpoliabierta.elespanol.com). Una protesta “antifascista” intenta boicotear la marcha por la unidad de España en Barcelona (es.euronews.om).
15 Both the Celtic cross and the Black Sun are neo-pagan symbols, used by Nazism and currently by a wide variety of extreme right-wing sectors. For more information on Nazi-fascist iconography:
16 ELS VINCLES OCULTS DE L’EXTREMA DRETA AMB SOCIETAT CIVIL CATALANA
(elcritic.cat).
17 For more information about the coup d’état and the Spanish Civil War, see the previous report.
18 https://fnff.es/actividades/845509417/Conmemoracion-del-18-de-julio.html. https://www.lavozdelsur.es/actualidad/sociedad/apologia-franquismo-en-malaga celebran-golpe-estado- 1936-condena-nueva-ley-memoria
19 Grupos franquistas y neofascistas preparan actos y misas de exaltación del golpe de Estado del 18 de julio (publico.es).
20 La extrema derecha revienta la manifestación del 9 d’Octubre en València (eldiario.es). La Policía carga contra ultraderechistas en la ‘mani’ del 9 d’Octubre en Valencia (elconfidencial.com). El Gobierno toleró el desfile de los nazis del 9 d’ Octubre para “evitar choques” (eldiario.es).
21 Pedro Sánchez: “Vamos a proceder a la exhumación de los restos del dictador Franco del Valle de los Caídos” (abc.es). Self-translated quote.
22 Manifestación contra el traslado de los restos de Franco (es.euronews.com).
23 El Gobierno evita pronunciarse sobre un acto de exaltación franquista en el Valle de los Caídos (publico.es).
El Valle de los Caídos, búnker del franquismo
(lavanguardia.com). La contrariedad democrática del
Valle de los Caídos (elpais.com).
24 Los restos de Franco llegan al cementerio de Mingorrubio (ondacero.es). 25 Exhumación de José Antonio Primo de Rivera (elpais.com).
26 “El judío es el culpable. El enemigo siempre va a ser el mismo”: 300 neonazis homenajean en Madrid a la División Azul (lamarea.com).
27 Las embajadas de Israel, Rusia y Alemania expresan su repulsa por el homenaje a la División Azul en Madrid (lamarea.com).
28 La placa en homenaje a Yolanda González en Madrid vuelve a ser atacada (publico.es). Atacan el monumento a las Brigadas Internacionales de Vicálvaro con una esvástica y una pintada de “rojos asesinos” (publico.es).
Vandalizan la placa de Juana Doña y la sustituyen por una batalla de la Guerra Civil (abc.es).
Los ataques de la extrema derecha contra lugares de homenaje se mutiplican en Madrid (infolibre.es). Ataque al monumento a las Brigadas Internacionales de la Ciudad Universitaria de Madrid (tercerainformacion.es).
29 IU y PCE denuncian el tercer ataque contra su sede en San Andrés en el último año (leonnoticias.com). Atacan con un cóctel molotov la sede de Podemos en Cartagena (as.com).
Vuelven a atacar con pintadas de ultraderecha las sedes de Esquerra Unida, Podemos y PSPV en Alicante (cadenaser.com).
30 Atacan con pintadas las sedes del PSPV y Compromís en Alicante (epe.es). Ataque de la extrema derecha a las sedes de PSPV y Compromís en Dénia (levante emv.com).
31 Los Mossos detienen a dos de los ultras que apalearon a un independentista (elmundo.es).
32 El Observatori Contra l’Homofòbia denuncia una agresión “homófoba y fascista” a dos jóvenes en Sant Boi (elperiodico.com).
33 Cuatro heridos en el asalto a un centro de menores migrantes en el Masnou (elperiodico.com).
34 Actividades. Fundación Nacional Francisco Franco (fnff.es).
35 Cultura. Fundación Nacional Francisco Franco (fnff.es).
36 In 2020, the German defence minister announced the disbanding of a company of the army’s special forces because of the widespread presence of the extreme right. El Ministerio de Defensa alemán disuelve parte de las Fuerzas Especiales del Ejército por sus tendencias al nazismo (publico.es).
In France, several soldiers were sanctioned after they signed an open letter to the President of the Republic suggesting military intervention to protect the country from the threat of Islamism and the disintegration of the nation.
Francia sancionará a militares por animar a la insurrección en una carta abierta contra “las hordas de la periferia” (eldiario.es)
37 El manifiesto original de los 73 militares sugería que Felipe VI compartía su malestar (vozpopuli.com).
38 Militares retirados en un chat de WhatsApp: “Hay que matar a esos 26 millones de hijos de puta” (diariodesevilla.es).
39 Soldados cantan con el brazo alzado una canción de un grupo neonazi en el cuartel de Paracuellos del Jarama (diariodesevilla.es).
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