Report attitudes towards collective memory of resistance against far-right regimes, groups or practices and specific narratives in collective memory in the target countries
LOVIISA SOINI, RKI
Introduction: Historical Context
The cultural and political history of Finland can be said to be inevitably linked to its proximity to Russia. The establishment of the Soviet regime had an immediate effect on the political atmosphere in Finland in the 20thcentury. Remembrance and maintenance of a bourgeois government juxtaposed with intimacy with the Soviet Union was a theme that affected Finland throughout the 20th century. The Finnish far right was at its peak during the 1920s and 1930s after the bloody Civil War of 1918. The late 1910s was a time of great change in Finland, having gained independence from Russia in 1917 whilst social upheavals were taking place throughout Europe. The causes of the Civil War were ultimately concerned with class struggles, workers’ rights and societal change. The dichotomy between the bourgeoisie and socialists – or the political left and right – is rooted in the Civil War and its remembrance. The war was particularly violent and has been a sensitive topic in discourses in Finland for over a century. It resulted in the victory of the “whites” – the bourgeoisie – and the devastating defeat of the “red” leftists and a history of juxtaposition and bitterness, which affects the narratives of political extremes to this day.
The fascist Lapua Movement of 1929-1932 aimed to maintain the political hegemony of the right wing and resist communism and the Soviet Union. Communism was the enemy of the lapualaiset and they took violent actions against left-wing advocates known as “muilutukset”. “Muiluttaminen” was a scare tactic and a form of protest against the communists in Finland, during which targets were humiliated and physically attacked. The Lapua Movement culminated in the Mäntsälä rebellion, a failed coup attempt in 1932. Its goal was to overthrow the government and extinguish leftist parties, such as the social democrats (SDP) and the communist party. The Civil War and the Lapua Movement established the foundations for far right movements and activism in the 20th century and is evoked in memory politics and rhetoric of far-right organisations.
During World War II, Finland fought against the Soviet Union as part of the Continuation War (1941-1944). Finland had formed an alliance with Germany, although it was not formally aligned with Nazi Germany. Some elements of the Finnish far right sympathized with and collaborated with the Germans, which has affected the history of the Finnish far right throughout the latter half of the 20thcentury. Finnish volunteers fought under the Waffen-SS, primarily as part of the SS Division Wiking. Their involvement remains a contentious issue in Finnish history, affecting the reputation of the far right and causing post-war repercussions. The Moscow Armistice, signed between Finland and the Soviet Union on the 19th of September 1944, decreed the banishment of Nazi troops from Finland. The Lapland War was fought between Finnish and German troops until April 1945 to attain this, further complicating the relations between Finland, Germany and the Soviet Union as well as Finnish memory culture concerning war, Nazism and communism.
The political atmosphere in Finland during the Cold War certainly kept some elements of far-right ideologies and remembrance of the Lapua Movement. This was the case for far right movements, societies and parties during the Cold War decades. Due to the Moscow Armistice, Finland was obligated to restrict all fascist and anti-Soviet groups, which chagrined advocates of the far right. The Finnish government was, in fact, decidedly leftist during the postbellum decades. The far right drew mimicked not only other fascist movements abroad but also the examples set by the previous generations of the Civil War and the Lapua Movement. Neo-Nazism and global antisemitism was prevalent during the 1950s and 1960s during the “swastika epidemic” which also spread to the far right in Finland. The Isänmaallinen Kansanliike (Patriotic People’s Movement, hereafter shortened as IKL) was a continuation to the Lapua Movement after its dissolution in the 1930s. It was ideologically similar to its predecessor, but had an additional goal of uniting the lost territories of Karelia in a tribalistic Greater Finland (Suur-Suomi). It, too, was disbanded after the Moscow Armistice as a fascist organisation. It re-emerged in the 1970s, and its symbols and ideologies recycled.
Radical right-wing activism in Finland has some universal principles and common goals and features, which include anti-immigration attitudes, resisting LGBTQIA+ rights and visibility, antisemitism, extreme nationalism and xenophobia. These attitudes held by the extreme right have, however, changed with history according to the debates and themes of different periods. The late 20th century witnessed the emergence of new far right movements and organisations in Finland. The rise of globalisation, immigration, and cultural diversity in the 21st century provided fertile ground for the re-emergence of far-right sentiments.
The Far Right after the Continuation War: Reactive Far Right Politics in the Shadow of the Soviet Union
The nature of the far right in Finnish politics can also be said to be, at its core, reactive. The far right in the 1940s, for example, opposed the terms of the Moscow Armistice, according to which any organisations deemed “fascist” and generally anti-Soviet were forbidden. Among these organisations that were shut down was the IKL, the Lotta Svärd and veteran organisations such as SS-Aseveljet ry. An overall of 3327 organisations and societies were discontinued by 1946. This repression of right-wing ideology resulted in reactive measures. Far right or “fascist” groups and activist were driven underground and reacted with protests and activism against the government. Fascism became a general term used to describe undefined anti-communism and resistance against the Soviet Union, and its extreme opposite was communism. Finnish politics was therefore highly polarised by nature during the postbellum decades. In the post-war period, Finland experienced a significant transformation as it rebuilt itself and reconciled with the legacy of collaboration. The political climate shifted towards centrist and social democratic ideologies, marginalising far-right movements. However, small far-right parties and organisations continued to exist, albeit with limited influence.
The 1940s and 1950s were a time of fairly random and unorganised fascist secret societies, especially among young boys and men who had experienced the war at a young age. Their activities consisted mainly of anti-communist propaganda, military training and network building among other like-minded organisations and people. Threats of terrorism were also delivered, yet these were rarely acted upon. These secret societies established mainly among the youth attempted to imitate the Nazism and other fascist movements that were reported from abroad. The “swastika epidemic” of the 1950s, for example, inspired a mass of swastika-themed graffiti among the youth. Activities such as these rarely escalated into more than imitation of international fascist activities abroad.
There were several far right secret societies among the youth in Finland after the war in the 1940s. Igur Zabell was a secret youth organisation, which emulated the Hitler Jugend. Youth activation in far right politics was common, but relatively unorganised and inconsequential. In order to restrict right-wing politics further, the Finnish state police Valpo attempted to find incriminating evidence against the Kokoomuksen Nuorten Liitto, the youth organisation for the Finnish National Coalition, which represented a relatively moderate political ideology. The political atmosphere, however, can be gauged from the paranoid persecution of any right wing political group by the state police, overseen by the Soviet Union.The Fri Tysk Ungdom, a mainly Fenno Swedish youth organisation modelled after the Freie Deutsche Jugend, had ambitious goals and plans. It organised military training and planned an attack on Porkkala as well as a Soviet ship Bielostow. Despite these ambitious and energetic plans and enthusiasm, it hardly accomplished anything tangible. In order to raise funds for weapons acquisition, its members sold and used drugs in small scale. The Fri Tysk Ungdom represented several of those postbellum anti-communist secret societies whose members had experienced the war and possibly had difficulties in adjusting to the new relationship with the Soviet Union characterised by the Paasikivi-Kekkonen doctrine. This doctrine was a general guideline into the nature of Finland’s relationship with the Soviet Union, in which Finland’s neutrality and cooperation with the USSR was consolidated into its foreign policy.
The Paasikivi-Kekkonen doctrine remained dominant in Finnish international relations throughout the 1950s to the 1980s. Its most important goal was maintaining a stable and cooperative relationship with the Soviet Union. Trade between Finland and the USSR was important for Finnish economy, and national security was maintained by friendly relations. This caused there to be some issues with domestic politics, especially vis-á-vis the role of right-wing parties and organisations. Finland was focused on rebuilding and recovering from the war, and far-right movements struggled to gain significant support. During the Cold War, Finland maintained a policy of neutrality and non-alignment, which limited the influence of far-right movements. However, far-right ideologies continued to exist, with various groups and individuals espousing nationalist and anti-immigrant sentiments. These movements remained on the fringes of Finnish society and did not gain significant political power.
While the far-right may have had a presence in Finland during the 1960s, it faced significant opposition from counter-movements and civil society organizations advocating for tolerance, inclusivity, and democratic values. These groups played a crucial role in challenging far-right ideologies and limiting their influence. Overall, the 1960s were not a period of significant growth or influence for the Finnish far-right. The political stability, economic growth, and social changes during this decade limited the appeal and reach of far-right movements. It was during later periods, particularly in the 1980s and beyond, that far-right ideologies gained more visibility and support in Finnish society. Far-right activities were focused on the youth, and it was among these circles that violent action was taken. For example the small-scale youth group Isänmaallis demokraattinen Liike set off banger fireworks in public spaces in 1963, causing minor property damage. Similar political movements among the youth were fairly common, and often acted in lieu of their communist counterparts. The Vapaat Suomalaiset Nuoret organised counterprotests against communist anarchists. Among their catchphrases were “Mao is a murderer” and “Brezhnev is Hitler”. The protests remained relatively peaceful, however, which is characteristic of the Finnish protest culture. Most protests in Finland at the time reflected global themes such as the Vietnam war and US imperialism. Counter protests, mainly by far-right actors, remained minimal.
The IKL re-emerged in the late 1960s, albeit in different forms compared to its predecessor. The IKL was nationalist and anti-communist, advocating for the preservation of Finnish culture and identity. It also promoted anti-immigrant sentiments, particularly towards Soviet immigrants who had settled in Finland after World War II. The IKL was critical of the Finnish government’s policy of maintaining neutrality and non-alignment during the Cold War, arguing that Finland should align itself with the West and oppose Soviet influence. It drew support from young people who were disillusioned with the mainstream political parties and the left-wing movements that dominated Finnish society. The IKL-SIN, a subvariant of the movement for the Finnish youth, emerged in the 1970s. Though disbanded in 1972, this short-lived movement gained attention and publicity in the media as well as the supporters of the far-right. The communist newspaper Tiedonantaja reported in 1972 of populist far right sentiments and propaganda, featuring the IKL-SIN. The members burned magazines such as the leftist Hihapuukko, provoked the media and handed out flyers. The SIN was branded as a Nazi organisation, although the members disputed this claim. Their ideology was scattered, mainly focused on patriotism and conservative values and Christianity.
The 1960s in Finland saw a resurgence of the far-right, with several nationalist and anti communist movements emerging. These movements were largely critical of the political establishment and the left-wing movements that dominated Finnish society. While the far-right gained some support, particularly among young people who were dissatisfied with the political status quo, it remained a minor political force and was largely marginalized. However, the resurgence of the far-right during this period set the stage for the emergence of contemporary far-right movements in Finland. The IKL, for example, reflected Finnish far-right sentiments throughout the 20thcentury: it utilised the memory culture of the Lapua movement of the 1930s; its main themes revolved around patriotism, conservatism and anti-communism. Arguably one of the most significant motivators of the Finnish far-right has been and still remains Finland’s complex relationship with the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany. The memory of the Winter and Continuation Wars of WWII remained a sensitive topic during the postbellum era, especially as the Paasikivi-Kekkonen doctrine emphasized friendly and even submissive relations with the Soviet Union. This was likely a source of grief and bitterness for many who had experienced the war and maintained a hostile attitude towards the USSR and communism.
One of the most prominent cases of the Finnish far right is the controversial character Pekka Siitoin. He has been characterised as “Finland’s most well-known Nazi”, and he greatly influenced the Finnish far-right during the 1970s until the 2000s. He based his ideology on occultism, anti-communism and antisemitism, and claimed that the supporters of communism were Satanist. Mostly due to the terms of the Paris Peace Treaty and the stance of the Finnish protection police, Supo, he avoided being categorised as fascist, and preferred to represent the far right. He led the far-right organisation Isänmaallinen Kansanrintama (IKR), which was a radical terrorist group.
They adopted the symbolic black and blue colours of the Lapua movement, wore swastikas and paraded in the streets to gain power over the radical communists in the urban scene. They threatened terrorism, and their communist counterparts demanded that they were legally disbanded. They justified their existence and rhetoric with arguments of democracy and freedom of speech. The IKR was eventually terminated in 1978 by the Finnish government on the grounds of opposing the Paris Peace Treaty; Siitoin was sentenced to five years in prison.
Racism, Anti-Immigration and the Idea of Otherness in Finnish Far-Right Ideology
As anti-communism subsided as the main enemy of the Finnish far-right in the 1980s, the new enemy slowly became immigrants, refugees and non-white or non-Finnish groups. The 1990s brought about the fall of the Soviet Union and thus a sort of political liberation for Finland. Right-wing politics became more consolidated into the Finnish parliament, and the far-right found new concerns. Far-right culture remained fairly securely seated with the youth, and its advocates were more likely gang members than students by the 1980s and 1990s. After the imprisonment of the far-right cult leader Pekka Siitoin, the far-right was highly disorganised, unmotivated and undermanned. The decline of the Soviet Union activated the Finnish far right once more. General enemies of the far-right were communists, “queers”, “gypsies” and other racial and sexual minorities in Finland, much of which has not changed until today. For example, skinhead-culture landed in Finland, and racism became a general trait of the Finnish far-right. Neo-patriotism rose during the 1980s and 1990s, and commemoration of the Second World War was common. War veterans and the Lotta Svärd gained appreciation, and the Winter and Continuation Wars became an important building block of national identity.
The origins of the skinhead subculture in Finland can be traced back to the late 1970s and early 1980s when it gained popularity among young working-class individuals, primarily in urban areas. The early Finnish skinhead movement drew inspiration from its British counterparts, who originated in the 1960s as a working-class youth subculture. Within the Finnish skinhead subculture, there were far-right elements that espoused white supremacist, nationalist, and anti-immigrant ideologies. These groups were influenced by international far-right and neo-Nazi movements. They promoted racial superiority, engaged in acts of violence, and targeted minority communities, immigrants, and left-wing activists. Far-right skinhead groups were often associated with neo-Nazi music, symbols, and propaganda. The skinhead-movement was significant for Finnish far-right recruiters, as the youth was an appropriate target group. The movement attracted politically non-committed youths as well as those in danger of social marginalisation and isolation. For some it was a fashion movement more than political agitation. Nevertheless, the skinheads in Finland represented white supremacy, sexism, racism and the idealisation of violence.
The IKL was yet again renewed in the 1990s, drawing inspiration from its historical predecessor and espousing similar nationalist and conservative values. The IKL presented itself as a patriotic movement that aimed to preserve Finnish culture, traditions, and sovereignty. It advocated for stricter immigration policies and criticized Finland’s growing integration into the European Union. The party also emphasized a strong sense of Finnish nationalism and opposed what it saw as threats to Finnish identity, particularly from globalization and multiculturalism. The IKL’s rhetoric and activities generated controversy and accusations of promoting xenophobia and racism. Critics argued that the party’s nationalist agenda masked discriminatory and exclusionary attitudes towards immigrants and minority communities. The party was known for organizing protests, demonstrations, and rallies to voice its concerns and promote its nationalist agenda. Despite its efforts, the IKL struggled to gain significant support and remained a minor political force in Finland during the 1990s.
Conclusion
The history and memory culture of the Finnish far-right can be traced back to the Lapua movement, a reactionary phenomenon that emerged with the establishment of the Soviet Union, the global aftermath of the First World War and the social upheavals of the early 20thcentury. The subsequent Civil War, which still remains a sensitive topic today, is often evoked in the memory politics of both left and right wing advocates. It is also symbolic of the division between the bourgeoisie and the working class in Finland.
The fascism of the 1930s culminated in the Second World War, in which Finland participated as an ally of Germany against the Soviet Union. There is debate among historians and laymen alike about the exact nature of this allyship with Germany, and the role of Finland in the Jewish persecutions and the Holocaust, of which there is still much to be studied. The victory of the Soviet Union, however, pressured Finland to maintain left-wing sympathy and restrict far-right and fascist political movement. Furthermore, the Lapland War against Germany in 1944-1945 created a complex political memory culture that strained Finnish politics throughout the postbellum period. During this time, there were a number of far-right youth movements that idealised Nazi Germany and resisted communism and the Soviet Union. Most of these organisations and subsequent far-right movements had relatively minimal protestations and acts of violence, and acted mostly on an ideological level. One of the most radical organisation in the history of the Finnish far right was Pekka Siitoin’s IKR. They threatened numerously with violence and carried out some acts of terror. Classic far right ideology was present in the IKR such as anti-communism, antisemitism and radical patriotism. The Nazi and Lapua Movement past were idealised and utilised in their rhetoric and symbolism. The Skinhead-movement of the 1980s and 1990s was a continuation of these themes, although the influence of the Soviet Union was not as significant after its decline. Anti-immigration and racism emerged as driving factors for the far-right after the fall of the Soviet Union and increasing globalisation.
The far right in modern Finland also looks to the past for symbolism and themes that can be used in contemporary politics. The anti-immigrant, racist organisation Soldiers of Odin, for instance, dons a swastika and a black-blue colour scheme in its imagery and comments on modern issues of immigration, refugees and woke-culture. The Finnish Protection Police, Supo, has estimated that there is a considerable rise of far-right movements in Europe. The emergence of social media facilitates recruitment and expediates the radicalisation of the far-right. Understanding the history of far-right politics in Finland offers insight into the activities of far-right organisations today.
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