The Finnish Far-Right and Memory Politics
PATRIR/RKI
Introduction
Far-right memory politics in Finland, like in many other countries, involve the manipulation and reinterpretation of historical events and narratives to advance a specific ideological agenda. Far-right groups often attempt to exploit historical grievances, nationalist sentiments, and populist rhetoric to promote their worldview and gain support. Memory politics refers to the ways in which a society collectively remembers and commemorates historical events, figures, and narratives (Olick 2001). Building upon the work of sociologist Maurice Halbwachs, the pioneer of studies of collective memory, Jan Assman further distinguishes between two forms of group memory: communicative memory, which is defined by the everyday sharing of thoughts and experiments, and cultural memory, defined by group commemoration of fixed events of the past through shared monuments, traditions, and texts.(Assman, 1995). Most relevant of these attributes, for our purpose, is what Assman defines as shared cultural memory’s ability to concretize a group identity. This mode of memory, he argues, manifests in identificatory statements of a group’s character, giving the examples of “We are this” and “That’s our opposite.” Using this theoretical framework, we can see how the collective memory of the war, and of a certain group identity is now employed in Finland, particularly by the far-right.
Active right-wing and far-right parties and organisations in Finland
The Sinimusta-movement was approved as a legitimate political party in 2021. It has publicly and openly stated that it is a racist and fascist radical right-wing party. It is highly traditionalistic, reactive and holds ethnonationalist and white supremacist views. Its primary goals are imposing traditional values, deportation of non-ethnically Finnish people, making Finnish the only official language of the state, and generally attain a “Finnish” Finland40. There is widespread resistance toward internationalisation and integration with Europe; they wish to promote an isolationist policy in Finland. This includes abandoning the euro and opposing NATO, UN and the EU. Sinimusta also opposes LGBTQIA+ organisations, rights and visibility. In their Twitter post on the 25th of January 2023, their election campaign included demands to disband SETA41 and to ban “rainbow propaganda” from schools42. LQBTQIA+ education and activism are deemed “societally harmful” by the Sinimusta movement.
The logo, colours and name of the Sinimusta-party have their roots in the IKL and Lapua movement, not unlike many other far-right groups in Finland. The focus on national purity, sovereignty is key in the way the message is calibrated.
Another similar organization is Suomen Sisu, a nationalistic and patriotic organisation founded in 1998. Many prominent politicians such as Jussi Halla-Aho and Tuukka Kuru have been affiliated with this it. However, Suomen Sisu is not politically aligned with any party, and has denied being a radical far-right movement. Its focus is on preserving Finnish national identity, “Finnishness” and Finland’s cultural heritage. Its main target group is the youth: they wish that young Finns will respect and celebrate Finnish culture, language and history.43 The far-right, patriotic youth movements of the 20th century serve as inspiration for Suomen Sisu, and historical far-right movements such as Lapuan Liike, IKL and IKL-SIN44 are considered to be important in the narratives of the far right in Finland.
Many of its Twitter posts celebrate commemorative days of Finnish figures from the past as well as dates that promote the narrative of the political and historical development of independent Finland. It also prominently celebrates veterans of the Winter and Continuation Wars.
The interesting and defining element of these movements is the embedding and strong roots in strong national romanticism and specifically national imagery of the 18th and the 19th centuries, upholding the national state, national sovereignty and character. This has also been the main vehicle of images and narratives of the far-right.
A narrative of Finland according to the far right
The far right in Finland imposes a historical narrative of a predestined Finland: nation building narratives present an image of Finland becoming gradually independent from Sweden and Russia. This process is often considered with pride and nationalistic sentiments.
Far-right historical narratives of Finland often emphasise an exceptionalist view of history that portrays Finland as a victim of oppression from Sweden and Russia. It can be said that in far right rhetoric, Finland is presented as an ethnically and linguistically unified nation which emphasises Finnish-speaking ethnic Finns as the norm in society. The presence of other ethnic groups, such as the Roma, the Sami is often ignored in presenting this historical narrative of a unified and independent Finland. Finnish history is viewed from a rather localised perspective, centred in the South and South-East of Finland (Karelian heritage figures strongly here). The Kalevala and Fennoman artists are prized over Sami culture in many far-right historical narratives.
The historical status of the Finnish language is also related to this theme. Radical far-right ideology emphasises the importance of maintaining Finnish, and keeping it clean of foreign influences. The Sinimusta movement, for example, advocates that Finnish should be the only official language: this would remove Swedish from its status as official language as well as weaken the role of minority languages such as Sami languages, Russian and Finnish Kalo.
19th and 20th century nationalism and the Fennoman legacy is highly celebrated in far right narratives, although this is arguably quite common for Finnish memory politics in general (not including the far right only). The school curriculum for history in basic education also revolves largely around these historical themes. However, radical far right narratives can be said to sometimes overemphasise the importance of these nation building aspects of Finnish history. Characters such as Aleksis Kivi, Gustaf Mannerheim, Elias Lönnrot and Akseli Gallen-Kallela have a hero-like status in many far-right discourses.
The history of the far right itself is also often utilised by radical organisations and parties. For example, the Finnish Civil War can be seen as a triumph of the right-wing over socialist resistance. Tuukka Kuru, the chair of the Sinimusta movement states in a speech given on the day of Finnish Identity (suomalaisuuden päivä) in 2021: ”Multiculturalism and decadence enabled by liberalism are as dangerous to our nation as the plundering and raping Red Army”45: negative views of Red (socialist) forces during the Civil War are fostered by the far right even after a century.
Memory practices of the far-right
The Finnish far-right has adopted many elements from past far-right movements of the 20th century. This is prominent in their use of symbolism, colours, names and ideologies. Black and blue logos are especially common (as is the case with Sinimusta and Suomen Sisu): this practice has its roots in the Lapua Movement, which can be considered the origin of modern far right movement in Finland. The Lapua Movement inspired other far right organisations such as the IKL during the 20th century and their legacies are still being recycled by contemporary far right groups. Both Sinimusta and Suomen Sisu draw inspiration from the Lapua Movement, the IKL and the far right youth organisations of the 20th century, although their enemy has changed from communism to non-Finnish ethnic groups in Finland (refugees and immigrants). Replacement theory features strongly in the rhetoric of the Finnish far right. This is a far-right conspiracy theory which speculates that the white population of the world will gradually be replaced by other races.
The Finnish far right has a rather romantic and glorifying view of Finnish history, especially the Second World War. Although Nazi allyship is emphasised as well, memory practices of the WWII era centre largely around the wars against the Soviet Union. Suomen Sisu actively celebrates war veterans as well as commemoration days and there are strong patriotic sentiments surrounding this topic.
19th century Finnish nationalism and the “Golden Age” of Finnish art and literature is also an important aspect of far-right memory practices. Products of this era are strongly connected to Finnish national awakening as well as nation-building, which the far-right cherishes as integral elements of Finnish identity.
Finnish historians Marja Jalava and Pauli Kettunen have made similar observations, pointing to a Finnish history politics that sees future progress as dependent on the active maintenance of an unchanged continuity between the present and past. (XXX) Historical research that in other countries has led to the recognition of historical discontinuities, or politically different, alternative pasts, has in Finland led to an even narrower focus on continuities. Even as historical research has increasingly questioned this form of history politics, public political discourse backed by the state’s authority through efforts such as independence celebrations continues to actively emphasize a one-sided historical interpretation. The historian Pauli Kettunen has described the politics of history in Finland as fairly active and enthusiastic but centered around ideas of national necessities. Overall, the Finnish politics of history is centered around and supports a narrative of ever increasing national unity and development. Several problematic events and turning points exist in Finnish history, but their political nature is largely dependent upon their relation to this central narrative. Some examples of historical processes that run counter to the idea of national sovereignty in Finnish history can clarify this distinction. One of them has been accepted into the central narrative, the others have not.
At the same time, the visibility of extremist discourses in the political space have been openly questioned, and primarily due to their disregard of transgressions in pollical speech. For instance, in 2022, Finland’s Minister for Economic Affairs has apologised for appearing at a rally organised by neo-Nazi groups and equally apologised for making a joke about the number ’88’ (which has directsymbolism for right-wing extremists as a reference to Adolf Hitler), and reiterated that he condemns the Holocaust. In fact, the Coalition of Nationalists, an umbrella group formed in 2017 for those on the far-right including the Finns Party, the now-banned Nordic Resistance Movement militia, and the Soldiers of Odin vigilante movement, has organized several rallies and public manifestations. Vilhelm Junnila, from the far-right Finns Party, has participated in some of these meetings. According to press, Junnila spoke was a “who’s who of neo-Nazis in Finland”, according to one researcher, and members of these various shadowy extreme right-wing organisations can be seen in photographs standing behind Junnila while he gave a short speech, albeit on the opposite riverbank.
In terms of images used by these parties, the Finnish lion have been adopted by far-right groups as a symbol for representing their nationalistic believes and anti-immigrant agenda. Harmo (2011) the history of the Finnish lion dates from the sixteenth century when Finland was part of the Sweden crown, and the Swedish King John III received both: the title of “Grand Duke of Finland and Karelia”, and the coat of arms with the first version of the Finnish lion. Since these times, the Finnish lion has been the national symbol of the country. The symbolism of coat of arms represents the political/military conflict between Sweden and Russia in those times: The superior (Christian) sword represents Sweden, and in the one under the lion’s paw appears a Russian sword.
In recent times, the Finnish lion’s fiercely and combative meanings, have been reclaimed also by Finnish nationals, and immigrants who summoned the lion’s symbolic powers but against the far-right propaganda. One of the strongest public voices who supports this interpretation of the lion has been the pop-singer Alma, who in 2011 at the Official party of the National Finnish Independence Day wore a neckless with the Finnish lion in similar fashion that the Neo-Nazi militants, but as an act of redemption of the national symbol. In an interview, she accompanied her provocative fashion’s gesture against the far-right groups by exalting the historic and symbolic value of the Finnish lion, but also her idea of a multicultural but still united country.
There are then symbols and narratives about difficult histories, for instance the political choices that aligned Finland with Nazi Germany and included ideas of a Greater Finland. Approximately 1,400 Finnish volunteers joined the Waffen-SS and fought for Germany outside of Finland.24 In contrast to Finlandization, which today stands as a reminder not to allow external challenges to undermine national unity, these other moments in Finnish history are still understood to drive a wedge between a united past and the political pluralism of the present. This is true even though at the time those actions were no more and no less problematic or confrontational from the perspective of sovereignty than Finlandization was.
Notes
40 Twitter @SinimustaLiike.
41 Seksuaalinen tasavertaisuus ry; a Finnish organisation promoting sexual equality. 42 Twitter @SinimustaLiike 25.1.2023.
43 Suomen Sisu historiikki 6.11.2008.
44 The Lapua Movement; Isänmaallinen Kansanliike (Patriotic People’s Movement).45 Puhe suomalaisuuden kohtaamista uhkakuvista. suomensisu.fi